PDP, Amaechi and the Morsi syndrome (2)
There have been other disturbing developments since that day when, according to Pat Utomi, ‘they put shame to shame and gave impunity a new meaning’ in Port Harcourt. On 10/7/13, the ‘war’ spilled to the streets, around the government house and on 16/7/13, some ‘unknown’ youths held Amaechi and four other governors hostage at the airport. The visiting governors declared that the commissioner of police was biased, demanded for his redeployment, and declared that the police was responsible for the whole crisis. [And they reached such weighty conclusions within such a brief period and probably after hearing from only one side?] The CSO and ADC to Amaechi were summoned to Abuja; Lloyd, the majority leader, was declared wanted for attempted murder [that was exactly what it was]; the governor’s security aides in Abuja and PH were changed while on 12/7/13, Bayelsa House of Assembly waded in, advising stakeholders to stop overheating the polity by dragging the presidency into the matter. Dame Patience also explained how the ‘war’ started about 4 years ago when she begged Amaechi not to demolish Okirika water-front [Dame Jonathan, begged?] and the chairman of that LGA was suspended for receiving her, and how she has been engaging in fire-filled prayers over the imbroglio.
The governor has set up an enquiry on the madness of 9/7/13. In this charged environment of institutionalised partisanship, it is easy to foresee the outcome. But should the executive set up a panel on a legislative affair? Wither the separation of powers? The ‘north’ condemned the ‘politics of intolerance’ in Rivers State while the House of Reps resolved to take over the Rivers State legislative functions and requested [or rather directed] the inspector general of police to replace the commissioner of police. It is noteworthy that the discussion in both chambers of NASS over the Rivers affair was very rowdy; it is obvious that reason and caution have taken flight. It also appears that the House displayed indecent haste in taking over the affairs of a house that, despite the madness, was able to pass a budget the day before. You see, heads were broken just to pass a supplementary budget! These reactions and developments are indicators that the crises in Rivers State are beyond the ordinary and that there are several interested parties. And because several parties are reacting in furtherance of their rather peculiar interests, the matter is ‘kerosene-ing’ [ballooning] at an alarming rate!
All this is happening on the 10th anniversary of Ngige abduction and Anambra liberation day [July 2003]; it has taken the pervasive Abuja/home-based political battle a notch higher and has shown again that the PDP is its own greatest opposition, made of disparate and desperate individuals, as well as being the hotbed of party indiscipline. It is also an irony of sorts that the governor who protested the ban on public processions/rallies is now on the receiving end of these rallies. Perhaps these pro-anti clashes would not have occurred if the ban had been obeyed or the police would have been forced to provide convincing explanations.
Obviously, the permutations and combinations over 2015 are at the roots of the crisis. It is not about democracy; it is not about Nigeria and Nigerians; it is not about Rivers State and its peoples; it is about what Donald Ekpo simply described as politics of interest. Wike and Amaechi were soul-mates until he became a minister and he has seen the light. His political ambition and reluctance to abandon both governorship [for another tribe] and senator-ship [for Amaechi] is the core. Amaechi’s real or imagined VP ambition is also a critical factor. Some argue that it is Wike that ‘made’ Amaechi, while others argue that it is Amaechi that ‘made’ Wike. Whatever the case, an ‘oju-nkita-anya’ scenario has emerged: the dog has gone crazy and bitten its owner! As Bob Marley philosophised, the best friend has become the worst enemy, and true to 2 Chronicles 20:23, comrades are now engaged in savage fighting, destroying one another. Our politicians have gone mad again and as we all know, those whom the gods want to kill they first make mad. But this madness will adversely affect the people, not the mad politicians.
There has been a lot of misinformation and disinformation and it is sincerely difficult to sift the facts from fiction. It was alleged that G5 invaded the house but it was the G5 that was object of brutal and barbaric attack on that day. How do we separate an invasion of the government house from an effort to manage a combustive crowd around the government house? How do we confirm that thugs at the airport had a keg of acid? Is the police biased or they refused to be instruments of the state government? Why is the contentious Obio/Akpor LG still sealed despite a court order and even then, why and how were that LG chair and the G5 suspended? How impartial is the House of Reps that set up a public hearing over Amaechi’s plane and seized the legislative duties before people could decipher what was going on? Did Wike actually threaten to set Rivers State on fire and should he have time for this political rascality with the rot and strikes in his ministry? Why did the G5 not consult Ribadu and Obasanjo on how the minority impeaches the majority as well as Akinjide on how to make 5 two-thirds of 32? Who actually first attacked whom on that day? Well, as usual, in any crisis, truth is the first victim! [next week]
Muo is a lecturer and management consultant in the department of business administration, Olabisi Onabanjo
University, Ago-Iwoye
muoigbo@yahoo.com
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